Issue No 58, September 7-13, 2003 | ISSN:1684-2057 | satribune.com


Opinion

 

US Officials Skeptical of Pak Crackdown on Taliban

By John Lancaster

MOHMAND AGENCY, Pakistan: Until recently, this remote tribal region on the Afghan border was the last of Pakistan's "no-go" areas, a lawless realm of parched mountains and mud-walled villages where not even the army dared to tread. Smugglers operated with impunity here, and so, some say, did the Taliban and al Qaeda.

But this June, Pakistani soldiers moved into Mohmand Agency, one of seven tribal areas that have been brought under government control for the first time in Pakistan's history. The situation is now so tranquil that the army recently organized a helicopter tour for Western journalists, showcasing a well-digging project and smiling villagers bearing trays of ice-cold Pepsi-Cola.

"We don't allow Taliban here," said Mohammed Shah, 45, a wiry-looking laborer who was among the well-wishers in the village of Faqir Wala. "If they come, we will throw them out."

The army organized the tour to counter charges by the US-backed Afghan government that Pakistan is allowing Taliban fighters to use its border areas as a base for stepped-up operations against US and Afghan forces in southern and southeastern Afghanistan. Such attacks, including recent large-scale assaults on police posts, have forced aid groups to curtail some relief and reconstruction efforts and raised doubts about plans to hold national elections next year.

They also are a cause of growing concern in Washington. Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) said after a visit earlier this month to Kabul, the Afghan capital, that Pakistan was "not doing as much as it can" to secure its border with Afghanistan.

Pakistani officials deny they are aiding the Taliban, saying they are committed to helping the government of Afghan President Hamid Karzai while emphasizing the challenge of preventing illegal movement across the rugged frontier, much of which is not even marked.

Some analysts and Western diplomats, however, are skeptical of Pakistan's assurances. They cite Pakistan's historical ties to the Taliban, its animosity toward members of the former Northern Alliance militia who now dominate Karzai's government and its growing anxiety over links between Kabul and India, Pakistan's historical nemesis.

In particular, Pakistani officials accuse India of using newly reopened consulates in the Afghan cities of Kandahar and Jalalabad to stir up tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, especially along the border. "I would not say the policy has gone to overt or covert support for the Taliban, but there could be a process of benign neglect," said retired army officer Ikram Majeed Sehgal, who retains close links to Pakistan's security establishment as the head of the country's largest private security firm.

"Given the fact that the Northern Alliance has taken over, [Pakistani security forces] would not crack down [on the Taliban] with the same enthusiasm they would have a year earlier," he added. "Now their worst fears have come true. The Indians have planted themselves in Kandahar and in Jalalabad."

A Western diplomat suggested that Pakistani intelligence agents still maintain "lines of communication" with fugitive Taliban leaders, who share Pakistan's hostility toward India and the Northern Alliance. If nothing else, the diplomat added, Pakistani officials perceive such contacts as "an insurance policy" in the event that Karzai's government fails and the Taliban returns to power in some form.

Pakistan's ties to the Taliban date from the early 1990s, when it embraced the movement as a stabilizing force in Afghanistan and -- along with Saudi Arabia -- supplied much of the weaponry and logistical support that underpinned its rise to power. The movement drew its manpower from Afghan and Pakistani students at Islamic seminaries, or madrassas, in the Pashtun tribal belt running through the border regions of North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan.

Many of the madrassas were run by Jamiat-e-Ulema-i-Islami, one of Pakistan's main hard-line religious parties. The JUI is now part of the six-party religious alliance that leads the opposition in Pakistan's parliament and also holds power in the provincial government of North-West Frontier Province, which includes Mohmand Agency.

Following the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, on the United States, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Pakistan's president, threw his support behind the US-led war to topple the Taliban government and crush al Qaeda with help from the Northern Alliance, which occupied Kabul several months later. Since then, Pakistani security services acting in concert with the FBI and CIA have arrested nearly 500 al Qaeda fugitives in Pakistan.

But Pakistani officials say they make a distinction between al Qaeda members, most of whom are Arabs, and Taliban fighters, who they say are generally undeserving of the "terrorist" label. Pakistani authorities have arrested few, if any, senior Taliban figures, many of whom are thought to have taken refuge in Pakistan.

"Officials knew that using strong-arm tactics against the Taliban would be a mistake," Fazlur Rahman, the head of the JUI, said in a telephone interview. "One can have a difference of opinion with some of their leaders, but the Taliban were pro-Pakistan and would always remain so. My feeling is the army as an institution recognizes that fact."

Afghan officials say they are paying the price for Pakistan's ambivalent attitude toward the Taliban. In Kandahar, Afghan intelligence officials have been allowing Western journalists to interview captured Taliban fighters who describe themselves as recent recruits from madrassas in Pakistan's border areas.

One of them, identified as an 18-year-old Afghan from the central province of Uruzgan, told Reuters that he had been studying at a madrassa in Chaman, near the border with Afghanistan, several months ago when a pro-Taliban cleric invited him to "join the jihad." The captured fighter, Rahimatullah, said he traveled to the Pakistani city of Quetta, where he joined 10 more recruits before taking a taxi to the Maruf district of Kandahar province.

A few nights later he was captured during an unsuccessful raid on the home of a government official. Rahimatullah said he had been paid 3,200 Pakistani rupees, about $55, to join the militia.

A Western military source credited Pakistan with making a sincere effort to stop infiltration, however, noting that the army has established about 300 new outposts in the border areas in the last three months.

Pakistani army officers said they have so far deployed 25,000 men in the tribal areas of North-West Frontier Province. In Mohmand Agency, as in other tribal areas, many are involved in public works projects, such as building schools and roads. Others have been deployed along the border, occupying positions at one-mile intervals on the agency's 42-mile frontier with Afghanistan, according to Brig. Iqbal Harral, the brigade commander in the area.

Gen. Ali Aurakzai, the corps commander in the province, said his field commanders hold regular meetings with their US counterparts across the border and sometimes coordinate operations against pro-Taliban forces with the aid of satellite phones.

"We provided the anvil, and they provided the hammer," he said of one such operation that took place recently.

The writer is Correspondent for the Washington Post in Pakistan

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