Issue No 9, Sept 16-22, 2002 | ISSN:1684-2075 | satribune.com


Opinion

Musharraf's US Visit: What was gained, and Lost

Shaheen Sehbai

President General Pervez Musharraf has just concluded what turned out basically to be a Public Relations exercise in Boston, Chicago and New York, and that too among Pakistanis willing to cheer him on his arrogance of power. His 25-minute meeting with President Bush, the hot ticket item of his show, turned out to be a whimper, not proceeding beyond the routine handshakes for the cameras and pats on the back for the good services rendered for the master.

But this time the White House made it a point that before and after the ceremonial handshakes and camera clicks, the somber message of Bush losing patience with Musharraf was delivered adequately. The day he landed on US soil, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice spoke about democracy in Pakistan and objections raised by the Administration to steps taken by Musharraf. Immediately after Bush met him, US officials hurried to the media, anonymously of course, to disclose that on top of their agenda was Bush's message for democracy.

The file containing the long Wish List brought by Musharraf was never opened, as obviously there was no time left for anything else after Bush had lectured on democracy, then lectured on why Pakistan should support US attacks on Iraq and then lectured on how Pakistan must do more against Al-Qaeda and hidden Taliban in Pakistan and within Pakistan. Musharraf himself acknowledged in his Press briefing to reporters, shortly before his departure, that all the remaining subjects could not be discussed in such summit meetings where the time was short. He never explained why the wish list was prepared at all, if that was the case.

Rightly or mistakenly, the impression Musharraf took away from New York was that Washington was solidly behind him and all the muted objections to his scheme of democracy and domestic power grabbing could be easily ignored. This impression could be a double edged sword as Musharraf has to understand that Bush is behind him as long as he does not see a credible alternative leader in Pakistan. The US is only interested in pursuing its goals and agenda and right now they do not care for anything else. But this does not give Musharraf a free hand. The example of General Zia ul Haq vs a tame Mohammed Khan Junejo fits here almost to the last dot. Until Musharraf’s presence and the US interests coincide, he remains the blue eyed boy. The moment US interests change, he will be the villain and any one, even a new Junejo elected through the rigged mechanism now in play, would be preferable to Washington.

Many who saw Musharraf in New York got the impression that he was "power drunk" dismissing every body and every objection as if he was immortal or indispensable. He trashed politicians, mocked his opponents, maligned the media, the ones who dare to oppose him, and did so with such arrogance that bordered misplaced foolhardiness. In such a state of mind one often commits blunders and Musharraf did commit one by blurting out the remarks in Boston about a new Army Chief to be appointed soon.

He did not mean it but the damage had been done. His words, whether spoken in all seriousness or jokingly, spread far and wide and hit home where they should have, within his army ranks. Now a silent wait has begun with people watching his next move. If it does not come soon, the dynamics of change would find its own way. If he does bring about a change, a new dynamics would be unleashed. The message that went out of that Harvard University speech has sunk in and none of the antics of his media managers can erase it.

Coupled with that mixed message, the White House insistence on rubbing in the “democracy in Pakistan” theme and the chumminess shown by President Bush and his aides to Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee, including a devastating consensus that the struggle in Kashmir was terrorism and not a “freedom fight”, has further thrown into serious doubts the claims by Musharraf that his views had been positively received.

It appears Musharraf has fallen a prey to the propaganda of his own trumpet blowers, who almost invariably start believing their own lies after a while. In this case as well, while Musharraf is praised by every crony, with folded hands, about how brave and forthright his argument was, the whole lot forgets whether any one had listened or taken it seriously. Musharraf was confronted by some reporters about this state of mind and he would not listen, but he did admit that US Administration had taken a position on Kashmir which was not what Pakistan stood for.

Yet he was not bothered about it as long as President Bush patted him on the back for doing the job of catching US enemies in Pakistan, no matter how many enemies Musharraf was creating for his own self in the process.

Musharraf finds it very satisfying that overseas Pakistanis clap for him and rush to attend his dinners and meetings. This is no yardstick to measure personal popularity or to judge whether these people are supporting his policies. These expatriates have the habit of cheering every one who comes from back home, has some position of authority and who can return a favour whenever they visit him in their holidays. Ninety per cent of the faces sitting around the head table of General Musharraf and his family were the same seen around similar tables laid for Benazir Bhutto or Nawaz Sharif in the past. Only the few organizers change faces, depending on what relationship they have with the leaders. Rest do not matter.

So after an almost non-descript visit to US, a waste of precious time and money to be more precise, Musharraf headed home with misconceived perceptions that he was totally in demand and he could face any challenge. Such misplaced confidence could cost him more than he has bargained for. It could cost the country even more.

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