US Assures India
of Support on Cross-Border Infiltration in Kashmir, from Pakistan
By
Christina Rocca
NEW
DELHI: "The US will stand by India in its battle against
terrorism and I can reassure you that the issue of cross-border
infiltration remains a very important issue on our agenda with
Pakistan," Christina Rocca, Assistant Secretary for South
Asian Affairs told a meeting hosted by the Confederation of Indian
Industry in New Delhi on the anniversary of 9/11.
Following
is the full text of her address:
Distinguished
members of the Confederation of Indian Industry, Ladies and Gentlemen:
It is a great pleasure to return to this wonderful forum to discuss
once again the ongoing transformation in US-India relations. Through
the Aspen-CII dialogue, public policy outreach in India and in
the United States, and the many events hosted over the years,
CII has played a vital role in educating the business and government
communities in both our countries about the multifaceted character
of our bilateral relationship. It is, therefore, a privilege for
me to return to this forum to discuss the US-India relationship.
I
would be remiss if I did not note that today is September 11,
exactly two years after the terrible strikes against the United
States. These horrible acts propelled America into a leadership
role in the global war against terrorism and into an even closer
partnership with India - one of the first countries to offer support
and assistance to the United States in its effort to bring the
9/11 perpetrators to justice.
Today,
President Bush sent a message to Prime Minister Vajpayee. He said,
"On behalf of the American people, I would like to extend
to you our solidarity and support as you remember your citizens
who died in the terrorist attacks in the United States on September
11, 2001." The President asserted, "The struggle to
put an end to terrorism will be long and difficult. We wage this
struggle for ourselves and for our children, but also to honor
the victims of terror and reaffirm the inherent value of their
lives."
On
this day, I would like to offer once again the grateful thanks
of the United States to India for that heart-felt and welcome
show of support when we most needed it.
Over
the past two years, we have made impressive strides together,
establishing the foundations for what we hope and expect to be
a durable global partnership. Our recent achievements certainly
deserve mention, but we should also recognize that our achievements
to date create opportunities for the future, that in meeting today's
challenges, we also realize the benefits of our natural alliance
as the world's strongest and largest democracies. Many of these
benefits are to be found at the global level, where India has
rightly assumed a position commensurate with its size and potential,
and where our mutual interests are complementary and overlapping.
President
Bush's Founding of a New US-India Relationship
From
the very start of the President's term, the Administration has
worked hard to implement the guidance from our National Security
Strategy [I quote]: The United States has undertaken a transformation
in its bilateral relationship with India based on a conviction
that US interests require a strong relationship with India.
Differences
remain, including over the development of India's nuclear and
missile programs, and the pace of India's economic reforms. But
while in the past these concerns may have dominated our thinking
about India, today we start with a view of India as a growing
world power with which we have common strategic interests. Through
a strong partnership with India, we can best address any differences
and shape a dynamic future.
I
believe that statement clearly and succinctly identifies our plans,
our challenges, and our goals for the transformation of US-India
relations.
Consolidating
the Foundation
As
with any major transformation, it will take some time to fully
realize the changes we have begun to implement in the US-India
relationship. But I can assure you today that President Bush and
his entire Administration hold a common vision with Prime Minister
Vajpayee, a vision founded on certain bedrock values: democratic
principles, respect for individual freedom, the rule of law, and
peaceful state-to-state relations. We also share a number of converging
national interests: combating international terrorism, slowing
the spread of weapons of mass destruction, stopping the trafficking
of drugs and human beings, and promoting peace and freedom. Working
in concert with the United States, India's power and potential
can bring us all closer to President Bush's goal of building,
as he has said, "a world where the great powers compete in
peace instead of preparing for war."
Unity
of Purpose
The
President's dedication to transforming the US-India relationship
implies a commitment that is shared by the entire Administration,
by all agencies and departments that play a role in the foreign
policy process.
As
the Assistant Secretary for South Asia, I have the privilege of
implementing the President's policies. I can testify from my own
personal experience in the interagency process that the Administration
is united when it comes to understanding India's relevance and
importance to the US objective of promoting a peaceful and well-ordered
concert of democracies.
Trial
by Fire
Of
course, the commitment to a transformed relationship has not been
one-sided. Sometimes the best way to judge the character of one's
friends is by observing their actions under difficult circumstances.
As I pointed out earlier, India's response to the horrendous events
of September 11, 2001 immediately cemented our partnership against
global terrorism. The United States will not forget that in those
early hours of pain, confusion and grief, India was among the
first to respond to the tragedy with a generous offer of political
and military assistance.
Let
me just take a minute to say a couple of things about terrorism.
The United States, and this President in particular, has condemned
all forms of terrorism in the strongest possible terms. The attacking
of innocent civilians is a cowardly act for which there can be
no excuses - and against which there must be no compromises. The
recent bombings in Srinagar and the deadly blasts in Mumbai are
horrific examples of this crime. President Bush categorically
condemned those bombings and extended the sympathy of the American
people. He added, "Acts of terror are intended to sow fear
and chaos among free peoples. I hope that the perpetrators of
these murders will be identified quickly and brought to justice."
The
US will stand by India in its battle against terrorism just as
India has stood with the United States in its battle against terrorism.
I can also reassure you that the issue of cross-border infiltration
remains a very important issue on our agenda with Pakistan.
The
collaboration with India that began in the aftermath of 9/11 has
only deepened and has taken different forms: from joint patrols
in the straits of Malacca; to the inclusion of terrorist groups
operating against India on the US Foreign Terrorist Organization
List; to the prosecution in Virginia and Pennsylvania of eight
alleged Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorists for engaging in a conspiracy
to "prepare for and engage in violent jihad" against
foreign targets in Kashmir. While much more remains to be done
- and should be done - to free the world from terrorist threats,
our enemies have themselves exposed the many ways in which the
people of India and the United States see the world in fundamentally
similar terms.
Taking
Stock
I
am happy to report that the goals and plans of our two governments
have been matched by concrete achievements. Many of our most immediate
concerns are found at the regional level and represent the central
focus of my consultations here this week.
At
least since the beginning of the Cold War, India's regional concerns
have been of more than passing interest to Washington's top policy-makers.
But the attacks of 9/11 have literally turned us into neighbors.
US forces are on the ground inside and on the borders of Afghanistan,
cooperating with Afghan and Pakistani forces against the remnants
of al-Qaeda and Taliban. At the same time, the US has increased
its diplomatic engagement with, and assistance to, Nepal and Sri
Lanka. We also continue to maintain our good relationship with
Bangladesh.
The
challenges of the post-9/11 world have necessitated US engagement
with the countries on India's periphery - in order to attack and
destroy the terrorists themselves and to prevent them from breeding
greater instability in other at-risk states.
In
every instance, Indian and American objectives, far from being
antithetical, are in fact complementary: India seeks a regional
environment free of unrest, subversion and terrorism; the United
States shares that objective. India seeks a regional environment
where economic growth, trade, and peaceful cross-national ties
can prosper; the United States shares that objective too. India
seeks a regional environment populated by liberal democratic states
that are sensitive to diversity and the rights of minorities;
the United States most certainly shares that objective too. Not
surprisingly, then, we have worked with India as much as possible
in the hope of jointly realizing our common objectives in South
Asia. These objectives are as follows.
Regional
Goals
In
Afghanistan, we seek to create a new country marked by stability
and peace and ruled by a regime that is moderate, democratic,
and representative of its constituent ethnic groups. For too long,
Afghanistan has represented a source of instability in the region
and beyond. Today, under the leadership of President Karzai, Afghanistan
is moving toward a new future - slowly and haltingly at times,
but in the right direction. Much, however, still remains to be
done. This year alone, the President has directed the Administration
to allocate over a billion additional dollars towards Afghan reconstruction.
And NATO's recent takeover of the International Security Assistance
Force in Kabul will help the process of ensuring peace and security
in Afghanistan. We deeply appreciate India's prominent role in
Afghanistan's reconstruction. We encourage you to continue your
efforts, as we believe they serve a common cause.
In
Nepal, we seek an end to the Maoist violence and insurgency that
has already left thousands dead. The Maoists have shown themselves
to be a ruthless enemy by their tactics in the field and through
terrorist attacks against both government and innocent civilian
targets. US programs in Nepal are intended to facilitate the government's
efforts both to restore security and to focus on development and
poverty eradication - some of the social ills that initially gave
rise to the Maoists. India's historic, cultural and social ties
with Nepal continue to make it the most important outside influence
on events in that country. Working in tandem, our governments
can help Nepal defeat the Maoist threat and re-establish democratic
institutions responsive to the needs of the people.
In
Sri Lanka, we seek the preservation of a united republic, an end
to the ethnic conflict that has disfigured the island for over
two decades, and a return to peace and stability. The United States
continues to watch developments in Sri Lanka very closely. We
believe that the current peace process holds the best promise
of maintaining Sri Lankan integrity, peacefully addressing the
grievances of the Tamils, and developing a political settlement
that assures efforts toward peace. A negotiated peace would be
the best demonstration to the world that non-violent alternatives
exist for solving even the most contentious issues that divide
and separate peoples throughout the world. As Sri Lanka's largest
neighbor and trading partner, India plays a critical role in that
country's future.
In
Bangladesh, we seek a country that overcomes poverty, grows prosperous,
and consistently remains a moderate, democratic Muslim polity
as an example for the rest of the Islamic world. As Secretary
Powell stated succinctly, "Bangladesh's democracy, Bangladesh's
economic progress, Bangladesh's friendship and the Bangladeshi
people all matter to us." I know India also shares that view.
No
discussion of regional issues would be complete without reference
to Pakistan. I believe we are at a particularly privileged moment
in history because of the fact that the US enjoys good relations
with India and Pakistan simultaneously. It affords us the rare
opportunity to pursue deepened engagement with both sides, even
though this engagement will naturally take different forms and
be oriented to different goals in each case.
Although
the India-Pakistan relationship is often viewed in zero-sum terms,
the US firmly believes that a successful US-Pakistan relationship
will also serve India's interests. Pakistan is a country in the
midst of a major political, economic and ideological transformation.
It has not yet safely escaped the dangers of serious crisis on
multiple fronts. It must be assisted to achieve a soft landing
that corrects disturbing internal trends, realigns its direction
as a moderate Muslim state, and defeats definitively all terrorism
emanating from its soil. We believe Indians should welcome such
assistance, and I know that many do.
Even
as we pursue good relations with both sides, we are aware of the
suspicions that persist between New Delhi and Islamabad. It is
a tragedy that the encouraging progress in South Asia toward prosperity
and democracy is often overshadowed by these tensions, preventing
the creative energies of millions of individuals on both sides
of the border from being unleashed upon the grand march of development.
Although there are no magic solutions to these cross-border tensions,
we remain hopeful that your recent decisions to exchange high
commissioners, resume the bus service, and discuss other outstanding
issues offers much more than a temporary détente. Here
let me say that initiatives like that of CII to bring Indian and
Pakistani business representatives together are exactly what I
mean. As in the past, we believe that a lasting settlement of
grievances will never come by way of additional violence.
Beyond
the Region: Towards Global Partnership
Certainly
regional issues have occupied, and will continue to occupy, a
great deal of attention in discussions between New Delhi and Washington.
But considering how complementary our regional interests really
are, we should begin to look out over the horizon and imagine
how we might move forward in a truly global partnership.
In
important ways, we are already beginning to taste the fruits of
global partnership. A great number of the more than 100 senior-level
visits to India by American officials over the past several years
have featured consultations on issues that vault beyond the borders
of South Asia. The Bush-Vajpayee summit in Washington, numerous
joint working groups, cooperation in science, the environment,
space, and medicine - all these speak for themselves and remind
us of how far we have already come.
But
a future of global partnership could take us much further, and
I'd like to suggest a few directions that such cooperation might
take.
Strategic
We
have made great strides toward cooperation in the fight against
the onward proliferation of WMD. We must continue. Similarly,
I think the US and Indian militaries should be looking at ways
we can foster further exchanges that deal with contingencies that
extend beyond South Asia. Over the past two years, we have seen
Indian troops exercise in Alaska with their American counterparts,
while American forces have been exercising with their counterparts
here in India itself. Naval forces have conducted exercises also.
We can - and should - do more.
Political
Over
the years, the leaders of both our countries have described our
mutual relationship as one involving the world's "most powerful
and most populous" democracies. As America and India move
toward a new partnership, my government believes strongly that
we must invest this slogan with practical significance. We have
made an important start by working together within the Community
of Democracies, and by launching a dialogue on global issues,
including the promotion of human rights around the world. The
next series of tasks is harder, but fully within our grasp. We
very much want our two countries to walk in step in international
fora like the United Nations, where we too often are not together
demonstrating our deeply-shared revulsion to some of the world's
worst tyrannies. Further, we must deepen our cooperation in the
fight against terrorism. We must together develop a positive strategy
for transforming those parts of the world and those conditions
that breed dangerous fanaticism.
Economic
Let
me turn now to economic affairs. I am dealing with it last, but
it certainly is not the least of our concerns. The partnership
I've sketched here will be much more difficult to sustain without
a sharp increase in levels of bilateral trade and investment.
We have together devoted considerable energy and attention to
this issue, but clearly we need to do more, both in a bilateral
and a multilateral sense.
You,
the members of CII, know better than most the doldrums that have
trapped trade between our two countries. Although Indian products
and services have done well in the US market, American exports
to India have languished between 3.5 and 4 billion dollars since
1997. US investment in India has been similarly lackluster, falling
from a peak of 737 million dollars in 1997 to a meager 283 million
dollars in 2002.
However,
recent events suggest that this situation may be changing. U.S.
exports will likely top $4 billion this year, and the forward
march of India's economic reform program holds the promise of
greater foreign investment in all sectors.
However,
both American and Indian businesspersons frequently voice their
concerns that the pace of reform is too slow, and requires more
clear direction. You are all familiar with the impediments that
continue to block greater foreign investment and challenge those
who wish to penetrate the Indian market. They have been a subject
of frequent discussion with Indian officials and are again at
the Doha Round talks in Cancun.
At
Cancun, the stakes are high. They're high for the WTO as an organization,
for the global economy and for individual economies. The US message
to our trading partners, therefore, is our collective need to
aim high in our aspirations and ambitions to open markets and
expand trade for all countries. We believe this is the best way
to promote growth and development and to help alleviate poverty.
The United States will work with other countries to achieve these
ambitions.
Within
this context, we are looking for concrete solutions to specific
sensitivities and adjustment problems facing developing countries.
We're seeking to accommodate developing countries' needs within
a single trading system. We do not believe any interests are served
by a bifurcated or two-tier system.
It
is important to note that Cancun represents the midpoint of the
Doha Development Agenda negotiations. We do not expect people
to concur with what we want the agreement to look like at the
end. The idea is to ensure that we have the opportunity to negotiate
ambitious results. As the midpoint of the negotiations, Cancun
is meant to give direction to the negotiators, to enable them
to continue and ultimately to complete the negotiations on time.
India
is a critical player in these negotiations. Your country has the
where-withal to lead the way toward constructive solutions to
the growing demands of our shared global society. The world needs
India's creativity and wisdom. We hold great hope that the government
of India will be as ambitious as the United States in seeking
to open its own and world markets.
The
United States and India see eye-to-eye on certain issues and on
others, we disagree. The mark of a mature trading relationship
is the willingness to see each other as attentive, productive
advocates rather than as adversaries. Recently, in Geneva, your
government and ours acted together as advocates toward a common
goal. We are grateful to India for its key role in resolving the
complicated issue of TRIPS. This is the kind of cooperation we
hope to continue to foster with India, both bilaterally and multilaterally.
Conclusion
As
we look ahead to the 21st century, the outlook is bright for a
vigorous global partnership in which the United States and India
will work to enhance global integration through trade, investment,
shared technology, and improved communications. Just as important,
we will continue to join hands to combat the forces of disintegration,
such as terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, organized crime
and the trafficking of drugs and human beings. Organizations such
as the Confederation of Indian Industry will play a key role in
deepening this India-US partnership and the ambitious goals we
have set for ourselves.
Thank
you for this opportunity you have afforded me to be here today.
