
President Bush
Does Not Count Pakistan as a Democracy
By
Muhammad-Najm Akbar
THE
PEOPLE OF Pakistan should carefully note the remarks President
Bush made at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for
Democracy.
The
most important question for us is if we are entitled to the American
support for the restoration of unfettered democratic order, 1973
constitution and the end of the military rule in Pakistan? We
need to pursue it with the American decision-makers that the Presidential
clarion call of 6 November duly moulds the American policy "to
advance human liberty" in Pakistan.
American
officials should be relentlessly reminded of the Presidential
determination to pursue the new policy with “persistence
and energy and idealism.”
In a fact sheet released to reinforce the message, White House
emphasized the rationale for a policy of promoting freedom and
human dignity in every part of the world, “because it also
addresses the fear, hatred, and inequality that contributes to
terrorism and violence.” Does it bother our Generals at
all?
As a nation of 150 million, the most
disturbing element of the 6 November speech for us should be that
Pakistan was nowhere near the radar screen of the policy analysts
who drafted it. There was not even a passing reference to our
motherland.
In
comparative terms, most encouraging element of the speech was
that whereas the President mentioned democratic achievements of
Bangladesh, Turkey, Indonesia, Senegal, Albania, Niger, Sierra
Leone, Jordan and Egypt as well as Muslim citizens of India and
South Africa, of the nations of Western Europe, and of the United
States of America, conspicuous by its absence from the list was
Pakistan’s military regime's claim of forward march on the
path of democracy. Contrary to this, important steps in the right
direction were noted in such cases as Morocco, Bahrain, Qatar,
Yemen, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iraq.
Why
was Pakistan dropped from the Presidential review of democracy
in the world. The reply is contained in the President's elucidation
of the democratic process: “Freedom honors and unleashes
human creativity -- and creativity determines the strength and
wealth of nations.” The Presidential speech writers do hear
the resonance of the slogans Pakistan's Parliament resounds with,
every day.
Our Generals would take some satisfaction
from the fact that they were quoted in the speech albeit without
credits. The President discarded a view that our Generals propound
extensively that there is some criteria to qualify for freedom
that their subjects in Pakistan have miserably failed over five
decades to meet. The President condescended to rebuff such idiotic
arguments: “In fact, the daily work of democracy itself
is the path of progress."
Our top brass should also try to
get some deeper insights. The most enlightened one would be that
"military dictatorship and theocratic rule are a straight,
smooth highway to nowhere.” He advised the despots to “serve
the true interests of their nations."
Would
the Corps Commanders also cast a glance on the set of principles
President Bush believed successful societies must follow: Limit
the power of the state and the power of the military -- so that
governments respond to the will of the people, and not the will
of an elite; protect freedom with the consistent and impartial
rule of law, instead of selectively applying the law to punish
political opponents; allow room for healthy civic institutions...recognize
the rights of women, and “instead of directing hatred and
resentment against others, successful societies appeal to the
hopes of their own people.” Our nation faces a Mutiny Trial.
Bringing
action closer to the ground, US Secretary of State Colin Powell
reinforced the President's views further in a speech on 11 November,
saying "the rulers of non-democratic societies in the Muslim
world really have only two choices: lead the way to democratic
change, or be destroyed by it, be left behind." Following
the speech, American Ambassador to Islamabad reiterated respect
for fundamental rights, including those of speedy public trial,
access to counsel and family visitations.
In
a related move, as part of Presidential election campaign, 15
experts from the Democratic Party unveiled a document entitled,
"Progressive Internationalism: A Democratic National Security
Strategy." The experts underlined that in order “to
confront the forces that create the dangerous nexus between terrorism,
failed states, rogue regimes, and mass destruction weapons,”
it is imperative to end “the double standard that has led
this and past administrations to downplay or ignore the pursuit
of democracy and human rights" for the sake of a spurious
“stability.” They ask for a greater commitment to
generate the expertise, ideas, and policies to spur processes
of reform and modernization. Pakistan must get its due share of
this program.
The
discredited Generals were denied an entry into the annals of democracy.
We need, nonetheless, to fully understand the implications and
repercussions for our nation's total absence from the democracy
map. Our dictators can win some kudos for their relevance to a
few tactical American objectives. As a country we are continuously
losing our stature in the comity of nations under an autocratic
regime. The onus is on us to change the military government.
In that perspective, the most discouraging
aspect of the speech was that whereas the President acknowledged
pro-democracy movement in Iran, the efforts of the combined opposition
in Pakistan merited no such accolade.
No one can expect miracles from an
opposition that functions under the barrel of the gun. The opposition's
major drawback is that it remains in total disarray. For democratic
forces to succeed, it is necessary that they emerge as an alternative
force fully capable of not only leading the people but also to
run the government. The immediate lesson in this regard should
flow from the results of the recent elections in Japan. The Liberal
Democratic Party-led coalition won the elections again. The notable
feature of the electoral dynamics though is the emergence for
the first time in post-war Japan of a convincing, alternative
force, Democratic Party of Japan, which is identified for clearly
articulated centrist line on key policy issues.
Our oppositions fails us on all these
counts. For the people, the combined opposition has announced,
once again, that it will “soon” launch a mass protest
movement against the "perpetration of military rule"
and to replace it with undiluted democracy which would run strictly
in accordance with the 1973 Constitution. The military government
feels so confident that it has already "welcomed" the
opposition's plans. For the governance, the opposition has not
learnt any lessons from the past. There is no methodical thinking
on issues confronting the country, no shift to issue-based politics,
and no shadow cabinet offering a well-structured, alternate view,
no think tanks planning for a better future.
As there is no substance, there is
also no effective projection at the national or international
levels. On the positive side, the combined opposition has proved
beyond doubt during the mandatory 130 days of session of the Parliament
that they can put across their frustrations. In order to win,
they must bring forth a program that will make a difference to
the people's life.
Times of oppression can be survived
only by falling back upon internal strengths. The struggle against
military rule should be a moment for the opposition to reflect
on its strengths and weaknesses. Party organizations have to become
more democratic in their structure and outlook. Mass movements
are useful but elected organizational set up from the grass roots
could offer a bigger challenge to the Generals who continue to
move from strength to strength.
Violence is the Generals' language.
They beat, again, a law enforcement official. Their police insulted
the people and opened fire 13 November on a protesting crowd and
killed three of them at Donga Bonga near Bahawalnagar. A general
calls a Prime Minister to assure him of his "total support
to the democratic process in the country." A court allows
the husband of a former Prime Minister to spend Eid holidays with
his children at a sub-jail. A prominent Cabinet member added his
voice to the suggestions that Gen Musharraf should give up one
of the two offices and assume leadership of the ruling party.
The
Generals find themselves safe both externally and internally.
No external element can help democratic forces win their battle
unless they are cohesively poised to take over, steadfastly organizing
them for governance despite facing oppression. Punjab PML-N president
has underscored that the LFO posed a more serious threat to the
country than India. Danger has been identified. The opposition
should now find a solution. It has a difficult task in which it
must seek and be given full protection under the forward strategy
for freedom.
The
writer was till recently a senior Pakistani diplomat