Vol-2, Jul 27-Aug 02, 2002 | ISSN:1684-0275 | satribune.com


Opinion | From The Editor's Desk | Close This Window

Shaheen Sehbai

ALL the signs in Islamabad are that General Pervez Musharraf is surrounded by foes, wearing masks of friends and allies. He calls them Goofs. The heartening thing is that he realizes his shortcoming but, disappointingly, he is not doing anything about them. As a result he has been pushed down a road which every one knows leads only to one destination --- disaster.

The nearer the October election gets, the bigger the mistakes Musharraf is being compelled to commit. We all know that Musharraf did not intend to do all this in the beginning. He was straight forward, frank and candid, talked sense and was, above all, believable. He was accepted as a military leader, or dictator, at home and abroad. All were optimistic he would deliver on what he was promising.

Then his Goofs took over as Musharraf started listening to them. He was advised to appease the fanatic religious lobby and that took away the charm liberals had seen in him. He was advised to banish his political opponents into exile and that resulted in Nawaz Sharif and family bundled out to Saudi Arabia. He was advised to form a ‘king’s party’ which meant more embarrassment. He never sought any advice from anyone on the U-Turn in Afghanistan, but his decision secured his position with Washington and the West after Sept 11.

Then he was stupidly advised to seek political legitimacy at home and that took him down the referendum road, ending in loss of whatever credibility that was left. When the standoff with India got serious, he once again talked straight with the Americans on stopping infiltration in Kashmir but was again misled by his goofy friends and started to chicken out, invoking a stiff rebuke from Washington, a public one this time.

He then listened to them to legislate against the two main political party leaders, by limiting the terms of office of prime ministers, an obvious sign of extreme insecurity. This one executive order was enough to confirm that by now Musharraf had become another unpopular, self-perpetuating, military autocrat who would do anything to stay in power.

Musharraf cannot see (because he is surrounded), and his advisers would not tell him, that the path he is treading is one on which all previous dictators in Pakistan had gone and found, to their disbelief, that they had lost, having done grievous damage to Pakistan’s polity in the processs. Ayub Khan was hooted out with slogans of “Ayub Kutta Hai Hai” (Dog Ayub, boo boo). Yahya Khan was booted out unceremoniously by the army top brass itself. Zia ul Haq was sent with a crate of mangoes to perform his last disappearing act on board the American C-130.

Musharraf’s socalled friends have left him a totally isolated man. Politicians, naturally, abhor him. Some who thought he would boost them have also realized their calculations were off the mark. Religious right and liberal left do not trust him. The largely sympathetic Press is now up in arms. The claims to allowing Press freedom seem hollow, by the day. His own men in uniform are confused, if not divided yet. He has to carry a pistol with him all the time.

But the good news is that as long as this confusion lasts, Musharraf will survive. Pakistani military is known to be disciplined and monolithic but let it not be forgotten that these men have also ditched their chiefs when they found them painted in a corner, like Yahya Khan in 1971 or Gen. Zia ul Haq whose death mystery was never resolved or Jehangir Karamat recently during Nawaz Sharif’s last term. It was after the ditching of Karamat that the top corps commanders vowed not to let their chief down again, specially when pitched against a politician. That is why Musharraf was crowned as top boss while he was not even in the country.

The bad news, however, is that this time Musharraf is pitched not against any politician but his own angry colleagues and juniors, some booted out by him and some still in uniform, waiting for their chance because they think what Musharraf is doing is against national security. The world, specially the West, starts getting fits reading stories of Musharraf’s insecurity. The admission by two recently arrested militants of Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, that they had planned to assassinate Musharraf in late April, has added to the worst fears of the West. The recent incident in Lahore, when a bunch of welcoming balloons released by the hosts, hit the overhead power lines and exploded right on top of the dais where Musharraf was making a speech, was a funny and, in a way ironic, reminder to Musharraf and his panicked security men, that explosions could happen anywhere, anytime.

No one knows what awaits Pakistan should anything serious happen to Musharraf. But the panic all around is clearly indicative of serious concerns and every think tank in Washington DC is working on just one set of calculations and permutations: What if Musharraf goes.

It would be naïve for the Pakistani ruler to believe that he would get away with the tricks his political advisers are up to. I vividly remember a conversation with Musharraf’s Interior Minister, Moeenuddin Haider, sometime in August of 2000, when he had called a few senior journalists to his Islamabad office. I had asked him then who was Musharraf’s main political adviser and the frank answer was “no one”. When I reported the comment, Musharraf and Haider were furious and Musharraf even reprimanded Haider for making the comment. But the fact is without an adviser, they were getting along fine. Now with goofs around, they are in a mess.

Still, all may not have been lost as yet, if Musharraf and company could remove the blinders and shake off their misplaced political ambitions. He needs not goofs but sincere friends and he still has a chance to go down in history as the man who tried to bring some order to Pakistan, saved the country from falling over the precipice, controlled the menace of fanaticism and religious extremism, made some friends in the world, got democracy back on the track and quit with grace and dignity, a la Malaysia’s Mahatir Mohammed, if he does so.

An unceremonious exit would spell disaster not just for him but the country will be jolted. A new military dictator will take over. By the time he gets a grip, the country could start slipping. The world may react in an unpredictable manner, fearing a nuclear state sliding into chaos or wrong hands. Realizing this, Washington has started pushing a little hard for some stable, elected system, but it seems ages away.

Somehow the world was spared of nuclear disasters after the break up of the Soviet Union, as saner people in saner places traded their nukes for greenbacks and took off on the road to economic rehabilitation. Pakistan does not have that stock of saner people yet.

 

 

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